It is the destiny of Egypt to be always inspiring to their nation. Their first revolution was in July 1952, and their second revolution was in January 2011. Now their third revolution, in terms of the presidential election, provide us with more inspiration, as we lived interesting days while following the election campaigns of the presidential candidates during the last weeks, witnessing an entirely new experience to Egypt and other several Arab countries, and relatively new to others, which saw real competitive elections, though their results were already known (Yemen, Sudan and Algiers are models. )
Despite the frustrating preliminary results, in which the Muslim Brotherhood and the remnants of Mubarak regime took lead, and entered into the second round, the Egyptians found themselves after a year and five months before options of either to choose the Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi as a coercive representative for January revolution , despite the wide discontent of most forces regarding the Muslim brotherhood performance during the period before and after the parliamentary elections which gave them majority at the parliament and Shora councils. Otherwise they have to choose Ahmed Shafiq, the loyal friend of president Mubarak, and his prime Minister, until his overthrow from power. He is also the favorite candidate of the Military Council, as he is also a military man as well as being the representative of the remnants of the regime's National Party. It is also an option that will devoid the revolution of its contents, and reset the revolution clock to the situations which were prevalent before January 24,2011, at least apparently. It is my satisfaction that even if Shafiq wins, he will not be able to become a dictator, as conditions are no longer like what they used to be , favorable for dictatorship. The risks of instability also increase and Shafiq's advent will be a curse to Egypt's security and stability, and not the contrary.
I am not in favor of the political isolation law, because it is the weapon of the weak in facing the corrupts and tyrants and prevents knowing their real strength.
Although the isolation law passed through all the legal procedures for its approval, including the endorsement of the military council, however it is notable that the Supreme Elections Committee "SEC" has accepted Shafiq's appeal to its disqualification decision against him and allowed him to run the elections, though the isolation law is applicable on him.
This aroused suspicions over the relation that links the SEC to the Military Council, which has endeavored to let the associate of the military institution to run the presidential elections. It is doubtless that they have directed Shafiq's electoral campaign from behind the scene, with the state's facilities and the remnants of the former regime. He ran the elections as an independent candidate. His propaganda machine succeeded in presenting him as the savior of Egypt from the disorders that it is suffering, and which had been depicted as a result of the revolution, while they were in fact a natural result to the collapse of the former regime which proved to be hollow and fragile and carries the seeds of its collapse, where the disorders appeared once it collapsed.
I am sure that the huge results that Shafiq acquired were not due to rigging, but they result from other reasons. However they disclose a popular nostalgia in one form or another to the former regime and believe that it is better despite all its notoriety.
It is important that the Egyptian revolutionary forces should deal with this block that voted for Shafiq with responsibility, away from prior accusations that they are remnants or mercenaries that had been bought.
The acquiring of Shafiq to over five million votes, needs an in-depth study, to find out why have large sectors of the Egyptians wanted to push Shafiq to the second round of the elections. I am sure that these five millions don't act in accordance with the signals of the Military Council, the remnants of the National Party or the State Security forces, but they are looking for something that they didn't find in the revolution or the revolutionaries.
I am sure that the revolutionary forces have a good opportunity to re-obtain a large number of these votes during the remaining three weeks for the second round.
On the other hand the Muslim Brotherhood and their political party (Justice and Equity,) have to contact the other revolutionary forces that voted for the revolutionaries, Hamadain Sobahi and Abo al-Fotoh and offered them votes that amount to eight millions, because the neutrality of these forces, will undermine the chances of winning of the Justice and Equity party to the Egyptian Presidency.
At least Dr. Morsi should offer the post of Vice President and Prime Minister to the candidates Sobahi and Abo al-Fotoh so that the three will form one political bloc against Shafiq, who is surely to attract those who voted for the Former Foreign Minister Amr Musa, as well as other political currents such as those of the party of "Rifa't al-Saeed," who announced that his personal option is to support Shafiq. It is notable that the Shafiq and Musa blocs have obtained one third of the voters who participated in the elections.
The Egyptian voter is facing difficult options in the second round, because although they prefer siding with the revolution by voting to Morsi, however they are afraid of the negative consequences of placing a Brotherhood member on the head of the Egyptian state even if through democratic means.
Although siding with Shafiq will save- apparently- Egypt these negative consequences, however it will not bring the internal stability, because the revolutionary forces with the Youth on the forefront in their different orientations will not tolerate seeing the Prime Minister of the Camel foray ruling Egypt.
Between this and that, the revolutionary forces have to recover and save their momentum, because whatsoever the advantages of Shafiq might be, his winning the presidency will place Egypt on the verge of another revolution that will not gain victory, without a decisive confrontation with the army and its Military Council, which has worked for a year and a half to circumvent the January revolution. It is a confrontation that will be difficult at all costs but victory will be on the side of the Egyptian people, ultimately.